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Unions recognize that industrial change is happening. Workers must be prepared and protected. However, clear distinctions between the 'green' and traditional economy are impossible. There are vital economic and industrial links between sectors. 'Greening' skills in all sectors and worker participation are key. To be sustainable, future 'greener' jobs must be decent and unionized.The IMF supports the International Trade Union Confederation's position on Just Transition. Our present jobs can, in many cases, be sustainable, but changes will come. We believe that the costs and benefits of protecting the environment should be shared fairly. Just Transition is a message of hope: decent work and social justice can co-exist with environmental protection. However, this will only happen if the world plans for it, and makes it happen through public policies that are in the public interest.<table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="1" align="center"><tbody><tr><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21576&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">&lt;&lt; back</a></td><td> </td><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21574&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">beginning</a></td><td> </td><td align="center" valign="middle"><a href="../index.cfm?c=21580&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">forward &gt;&gt;</a></td></tr></tbody></table>

Influencing the climate debate

How it all started

What is COP 15

Sustainable job creation

Special report Download the pdf file with illustrations >>

In a series of fact sheets about the COP 15, the UNFCCC states that the following four issues on the table at Copenhagen are essential to reaching a deal.1. Emission reduction targets for developed countriesDeveloped countries must accept the need to continue to take the lead in reducing global GHG emissions. In order to do so an agreement must be reached on an ambitious mid-term target for the group of developed countries as a whole, with each one making an effort of comparable scale in line with their historical responsibility and current capabilities.To date most developed countries have announced their mid-term target for emission reductions for 2020. However despite the fact that key developed country forums such as the G8 have recognized a 2°C limit, pledges for mid-term woefully short of the IPCC range (25 to 40 per cent below 1990 levels by 2020). Negotiations could raise the current level of ambition.What are our key demands and what would we like to see included?•    A strong legally-binding, comprehensive global agreement ensuring ambitious reduction of green house gas emissions;•    Social justice and long-term employment policies as an integral element of climate policy;•    Environmental protection through reduced emissions (a social cost) whilst increasing employment (a social benefit) and largest emitters should lead;•    Sectoral concerns addressed, including a fair global carbon trading regime - climate change legislation should ensure a level playing field and eliminate the possibility of carbon leakage; and•    Insurance that any agreement includes international competitiveness provisions that do not disadvantage those companies and nations that are first to adopt carbon pricing schemes.2. Nationally appropriate mitigation actions of developing countries.The biggest contribution to the global emissions increase over the next decades is projected to come from developing countries; though their per capita C02 emissions will remain substantially lower than those in developed country regions. In previous meetings developing countries have indicated a willingness to undertake nationally appropriate mitigation actions, provided that they receive support for such actions.A major concern for developing countries is that mitigation could distract resources away from their overriding policies, which are poverty eradication and economic growth. The Copenhagen deal could build on domestic mitigation actions underway or planned in developing countries, and identify how they can be enhanced with international support.What are our key demands and what would we like to see included?•    Sustainability which integrates environmental, social and economic concerns. For labour the social dimension is crucial and must promote trade union values of economic development, a fair distribution of wealth, social welfare, equity, peace and human rights, thereby creating a complete framework for sustainability;•    Technology transfer that allows for a fair regime for the transfer of advanced technologies for materials and processes, and use of an international fund for research and development and largest emitters should lead; and•    Developing programmes which ensure a requirement that companies and corporations use best available technologies when they move production.3. Scaling up financial and technological support for both adaptation and mitigationAdequate financial, technological and capacity-building support is the engine for advancing international cooperation on climate change as well as national action. An essential part of a comprehensive deal at Copenhagen is identifying how to generate new, additional and predictable financial resources and technology. Resources that are needed for both adaptation and mitigation have been estimated to up to USD250 billion per annum in 2020.Start up funding is essential and the financial challenge is unique and stark. At the moment adaptation costs are primarily borne by the affected countries, including poor vulnerable communities which have no responsibility for emissions. Kick starting the action initiated in Copenhagen requires start up funding in the order of USD10 billion.What are our key demands and what would we like to see included?•    Modification of WTO rules to ensure that trade rules including those governing intellectual property do not undermine environmental objectives;•    Sharing science which allows developing countries to effectively measure emissions;•    Ensuring significant public and private investment in education and training, as well as research and development innovation; and•    Worker participation in the formulation and implementation of these programmes, as well as information and consultation rights on the sustainable development of companies.4. An effective institutional framework with governance structures that address the needs of developing countries Copenhagen needs to deliver on an efficient mix of financial instruments with effective means for disbursement and for measurement, reporting and verification. Much of the available funding has not reached developing countries in a way that is regarded as efficient or beneficial. It is critical that the funds are agreed as part of the Copenhagen outcome. In addition, governance principles must be founded on equity, respecting the interests and needs of developing countries, and that includes them as equal decision-making partners.What are our key demands and what would we like to see included?•    Recognition that although all countries have a responsibility to mitigate climate change, it is clear that the greatest responsibility lies with the largest industrial nations;•    Financial and environmental crisis must not be used as an excuse for cost and job cutting or delaying action on environmental protection. The so-called &quot;free market&quot; will not create solutions by itself; and·    Emissions-trading is insufficient in isolation from other policies.Jargon Busting for Copenhagen:Green house gases The atmospheric gases responsible for causing global warming and climate change. The major GHGs are carbon dioxide (CO2), methane (CH4) and nitrous oxide (N20). Less prevalent, but very powerful, greenhouse gases are hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs), perfluorocarbons (PFCs) and sulphur hexafluoride (SF6). Climate change The United Nations Convention on Climate Change defines climate change as &quot;a change of climate which is attributed directly or indirectly to human activity that alters the composition of the global atmosphere and which is in addition to natural climate variability observed over comparable time periods.&quot;Carbon Footprint A Carbon Footprint is a measure of the amount of green house gases produced as a result of particular human activities.Carbon Leakage Carbon leakage refers to the part of emissions reductions that are made in one of the countries bound to reduce emissions, which are offset by an increase in emissions in a country that is not bound to reduce emissions. For example this can occur through relocation of energy-intensive production from a country that controls emissions to a country that does not.Carbon Offsetting The idea is to reduce the impact of carbon dioxide emissions from everyday activities such as driving cars, heating homes and flying. The emissions from such activity are calculated by a carbon offsetting provider and then paid for through a donation to a project that reduces carbon by the equivalent amount.Jargon Busting for Copenhagen:Emissions trading scheme (ETS) The ETS is a &quot;cap and trade system&quot;. Countries are given a national allocation of how much carbon dioxide they can emit, which is then divided up among the companies covered by the scheme. If companies emit more than they are allowed they must purchase permits to make up for the excess. If they emit less, they can sell their unused allocations.Border adjustment Border adjustments, also known as Border Tax Adjustments or Border Tax Assessments, are import fees levied by carbon-taxing countries on goods manufactured in non-carbon-taxing countries. For example a product manufactured in a country that adopts an ETS scheme should not be cheaper in a non-ETS country as a result of the extra costs for emissions trading. A tax would be applied to level the playing field.Green Jobs According to the International Labour Organization green jobs reduce the environmental impact of enterprises and economic sectors, ultimately to levels that are sustainable. However many traditional jobs such as steelworkers could also be considered green as alternative energy sources such as wind, solar and wave all have major steel components.In October 2009, the International Metalworkers' Federation (IMF), International Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mine and General Workers' Unions (ICEM), European Metalworkers' Federation (EMF) and the European Mine, Chemical and Energy Workers' Federation (EMCEF) organized a conference in Germany entitled &quot;Cutting Emissions, Transforming Jobs&quot;. The meeting discussed the position industrial workers will take at the upcoming United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change conference in Copenhagen Denmark. Photo: Anita Gardner/IMFUnited Steelworkers joined with other unions and environmental groups in a nationwide Made in America jobs tour in 2009, highlighting the benefits to American workers and businesses of transitioning to a clean energy economy that will create millions of jobs. Photo: Steven Dietz/USW

UNFCCC four focus issues

COP 15 refers to the 15th meeting of the Conference of the Parties (COP), which this year takes place in Copenhagen. The negotiating process on climate change revolves around the sessions of the UNFCCC, which meets every year to review the implementation of the convention. The COP adopts decisions and resolutions, published in reports of the COP. The COP also serves as the meeting of the Parties to the Kyoto Protocol (CMP) which also adopts decisions and resolutions on the implementation of its provisions. Participation in COP15 and CMP 5 is restricted to duly nominated representatives of the parties, observer states, accredited observer organisations and accredited press/media.Thousands of participants including government representatives and observer organizations have attended previous climate change conferences. The sessions in Bali, Indonesia (COP13) attracted over 10,000 participants, including 3,500 government officials, over 5,800 representatives of UN bodies and agencies, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations, and nearly 1,500 accredited members of the media. This year in Copenhagen the figure may be even higher with 20,000 people expected and at least half of them will be from civil society.More than 180 trade unionists have already registered to attend the meeting and the union delegation is being coordinated by the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) in close cooperation with LO-Denmark. In addition to the negotiations, a number of major trade union activities have been planned, the largest of which is the World of Work Pavilion (WOW) in the LO-Denmark building on December 14 to 16. During this activity a whole series of events will take place to promote the views of trade unions and what we believe any future agreement should contain.<table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="1" align="center"><tbody><tr><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21575&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">&lt;&lt; back</a></td><td> </td><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21574&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">beginning</a></td><td> </td><td align="center" valign="middle"><a href="../index.cfm?c=21579&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">forward &gt;&gt;</a></td></tr></tbody></table>

In 1979, the inception of today's modern day climate programme began, and the first world climate conference was held in Geneva, Switzerland. This conference was the first to recognize climate change as a serious problem. The mainly scientific gathering explored how climate change might affect human activities in the future. It also endorsed plans to establish a World Climate Programme (WCP) under the joint responsibility of the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the International Council of Scientific Unions (ICSU). It also led to the creation, by WMO and UNEP, of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 1988.During the late 1980s and early 1990s awareness of the issue of climate change was beginning to develop and a number of intergovernmental conferences took place and, together with increasing scientific evidence, these conferences helped to raise concern about the issue. Gradually the issue of global warming and its potential impact on life on earth began to move up the political agenda.The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) released its first Assessment Report in 1990. Approved after a painstaking peer review process, the Report confirmed the scientific evidence for climate change. This had a powerful effect on both policy makers and the general public at its release and provided the basis for negotiations on the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), which was adopted at the &quot;Rio Earth Summit&quot; in 1992, and entered into force on March 21, 1994.The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is the foundation of global efforts to combat global warming. The Convention on Climate Change attempts to set an overall framework for intergovernmental efforts to tackle the challenge posed by climate change. It recognizes that the climate system is a shared resource whose stability can be affected by industrial and other emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases. The ultimate objective of the treaty is to stabilize greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that will prevent human interference with the climate system. The Convention enjoys near universal membership, with 192 countries (the parties) having ratified but contains no enforcement mechanisms and in that sense is considered non-legally binding. In reality the fact that it was not binding probably helped its universal membership.Since the UNFCCC entered into force, the parties have been meeting annually in the Conference of the Parties (COP) to assess progress in dealing with climate change, and beginning in the mid-1990s to negotiate the Kyoto Protocol. The Kyoto Protocol, which was adopted in 1997 and entered into force in 2005, has 184 Parties of the Convention having ratified its Protocol. The major feature of this Protocol is that it sets binding targets for 37 industrialized countries and the European Community to reducing their emissions by an average of five per cent by 2012 against 1990 levels. The major distinction between the Protocol and the Convention is that while the Convention encouraged industrialized countries to stabilize Green House Gas emissions (GHG), the Protocol commits them to do so.The Protocol also recognizes that industrialized countries are principally responsible for the current high level of GHG in the atmosphere due to 150 years of industrial activity and is based on a cap and trade mechanism. So the Protocol also places a heavier burden on developed nations under the principle of &quot;common but differentiated responsibilities&quot;, which were listed and identified in Annex 1 of the UNFCCC and thereafter referred to as Annex 1 countries.Signatories to the UNFCCC are split into three groups, Annex 1 (Industrialized countries) Annex 2 (countries that have a special obligation to provide financial resources and facilitate technology transfer to developing countries, these include the 24 original OECD members plus the European Union) and Annex 3 (developing countries not expected to de-carbonize their economies unless developed countries supply enough funding and technology). So far 137 developing countries (including India and China) have ratified the Protocol but none of these nations are obliged to reduce emissions. Under the treaty, countries must meet their targets through national measures. However the Kyoto Protocol offers them an additional means of meeting their targets by way of three market-based mechanisms. They are:Emissions trading schemes (ETS) Known as &quot;the carbon market&quot;, emissions trading is a market-based scheme for environmental improvement that allows parties to buy and sell permits for emissions or credits for reductions in emissions of certain pollutants.Clean development mechanism (CDM) A Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) allows Annex 1 countries to buy carbon credits by investing in sustainable projects in developing countries, such as energy from waste power plants or wind farms, which will reduce GHG emissions in those countries. These credits can then be counted towards an industrialized country's emissions targets. Understandably the CDM has proved to be highly controversial as an easy way out for industrialized countries without tackling the problems at home.Joint implementation (JI)Any Annex I country can invest in emission reduction projects (referred to as &quot;Joint Implementation Projects&quot;) in any other Annex I country as an alternative to reducing emissions domestically. In this way countries can lower the costs of complying with their Kyoto targets by investing in greenhouse gas reductions in an Annex I country where reductions are cheaper, and then applying the credit for those reductions towards their commitment goal.The aim is for these mechanisms to help stimulate green investment and help parties meet their targets in a cost effective way.However, the Kyoto Protocol was not without problems as the United States, at the time the world's largest emitter, would have been required to reduce its total emissions by an average of seven per cent below 1990 levels, however neither the Clinton nor the Bush administration sent the Protocol to Congress for ratification. The Bush administration explicitly rejected the Protocol in 2001. While the Kyoto agreement accomplished little in terms of slowing emissions it has however been successful in making the heads of 90 per cent of the world's governments acknowledge that climate change is a real problem. The Kyoto Protocol is set to expire in 2012 and in Denmark the COP 15 will attempt to hammer out the details and construct a final agreement for the period 2012 to 2020 to be signed in Copenhagen. This needs to be done by December in order to allow national governments time to prepare for implementation beyond 2012. The signs of achieving this however do not look positive.<table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="1" align="center"><tbody><tr><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21574&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">&lt;&lt; back</a></td><td> </td><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21574&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">beginning</a></td><td> </td><td align="center" valign="middle"><a href="../index.cfm?c=21576&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">forward &gt;&gt;</a></td></tr></tbody></table>

&quot;The hub could be elsewhere in Europe, or somewhere like Singapore. But if it was in the UK, then the BAs of this world would then be in a position to drive change.&quot; Bernie's point is that an international hub airport built in the UK would produce fewer emissions than the same hub anywhere else, because British industry would build and run the airport in a lower-carbon way. &quot;Companies [in the UK aviation sector] constantly strive to bring new technologies onto the market. They're striving to substantially reduce their emissions, but the green lobby wouldn't recognize that.&quot; So why doesn't Unite speak out for emissions cuts as clearly as it spoke out in favour of aviation expansion? &quot;Unite is already promoting cleaner technology. For example, Unite in Scotland is pushing for carbon capture on coal-fired power stations. There's lots of policy bubbling along but it hasn't been unified into a clear statement.&quot; The most recent research on aviation and climate change suggests that improved technology won't be enough to prevent the damage. Even with optimistic estimates of increased fuel efficiency and better air traffic management, the CO2 emissions from aviation are still set to quadruple by 2050.But according to Bernie, we already have technology that could go a long way towards cutting emissions; the real problem is a lack of interest and investment. &quot;Rolls-Royce has done work on a more fuel-efficient plane, and it's ready to launch, but they don't know if the market's ready. The new advanced planes are 20-30 per cent more fuel-efficient than current planes, but they won't launch because they fear they'll be a flop in the current climate. Airlines are on their knees just now; they don't have the liquidity [to invest in new solutions]. Any new technology is a new purchase.&quot;Bernie also believes that many workers in the union fail to see any connection between their jobs and climate change. &quot;It should be more linked. As unions we are here to address climate change, just as we're here to fight fascism or show solidarity for workers in Cuba. But the drive has to come from the top.&quot;<table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="1" align="center"><tbody><tr><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21571&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">&lt;&lt; back</a></td><td> </td><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21567&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">beginning</a></td><td> </td><td align="center" valign="middle"><a href="../index.cfm?c=21573&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">forward &gt;&gt;</a></td></tr></tbody></table>

The cutting edge of tackling climate change

A global view

Advance warning

Protecting pensions

Negotiating solutions

Technology & investment

Feature: Download pdf file with illustrations >>

Technology &amp; investment

He joined TASS, an engineering union that later became part of Unite, shortly after starting the job at Stevenage, but didn't become active in the union until 1994, when BAE sold the plant to GEC Marconi and workers had to leave the BAE pension scheme. He explains: &quot;BAE at the time was sitting on a very large pension surplus, but they initially didn't want to let us have any of it!&quot; The union was instrumental in getting a much better pension settlement from BAE than the one originally proposed. A few years later, BAE bought the Stevenage plant back from Marconi and again the union successfully fought for a better pension deal.His most important union work so far was done in 2004, when Astrium was sold to EADS (European Aeronautic Defence and Space Company). Once again, the fight was about pensions. The new management planned to replace the existing final salary scheme with a money purchase scheme that would have left older employees worse off: it would have been in the financial interests of most workers over 50 to leave and take their pension payment straight away rather than to stay at the company and defer it.Peter sees the union at Astrium as &quot;guardians of the pension scheme&quot;. It's one of the few issues that staff would be prepared to strike over. But, thanks to Peter, it didn't come to that.He carried out negotiations in two ways. As shop steward for the UK plant, he negotiated with management at the site in the traditional fashion. But European law gave him another way of getting the company to listen. Companies of EADS's size and international scope are obliged to establish European Works Councils. These bodies bring together workers' representatives from all the countries the company operates in, so that they can meet with management and give their views on decisions that affect them.Peter's role as a workers' representative on the Works Council gave him access to EADS senior management in France and a chance to explain the problem with the pension scheme: that a money purchase scheme would be a financial incentive for anybody over 50 to leave sooner rather than later. In other words, the company risked losing a large proportion of its most skilled, experienced employees. Senior management saw Peter's calculations and recognized the strong business case for keeping the existing pension scheme, so they changed their plans. Existing employees would now get a final salary pension scheme that mirrored the one they'd been on before. New employees are on a hybrid scheme, a mixture of final salary and money purchase.When EADS saw how successful the mirror scheme was at Astrium, they extended the concept to the company's other subsidiaries, such as Airbus and McAlpine Helicopters. Peter believes that bringing a social conscience to bear on business decisions is a big part of European culture, which is why it was possible to get a good, lasting pension deal from French management. But his two-pronged approach, speaking to senior EADS management through the European forum as well as negotiating at the UK plant, must have been a major contributing factor. <table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="1" align="center"><tbody><tr><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21569&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">&lt;&lt; back</a></td><td> </td><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21567&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">beginning</a></td><td> </td><td align="center" valign="middle"><a href="../index.cfm?c=21571&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">forward &gt;&gt;</a></td></tr></tbody></table>

But it's when the focus returns to our own planet that things get really interesting. The Earth-observing satellites built by Astrium are helping with the battle against the biggest threat the world has ever faced: climate change. Peter Cheney, thermal engineer and shop steward, explains why weather satellites are essential for monitoring climate change: &quot;To combat global change, you need to have a global view, and you can't have a global view from the ground.&quot; Currently that global view is given to us by ENVISAT, a satellite launched as part of Europe's biggest and most complex Earth observation mission to date. &quot;It's about the size of a bus, a single-decker bus,&quot; says Peter. ENVISAT orbits the earth every two hours and returns high-quality data on ten different aspects of environmental change including wave height, wind speed and ozone layer thickness. When the European Space Agency was planning ENVISAT, it chose Astrium UK for the most crucial part: creating all the instruments for measuring the Earth's environment and the technology for sending that data back to Earth. (The work was done at its now-defunct Bristol plant.) Astrium's French and German sites were also heavily involved. Scientists agree that the Earth's temperature risks hitting a &quot;tipping point&quot; where climate change becomes unstoppable. Where they disagree is how soon we'll reach it and whether or not it's already too late. Accurate measurements of global climate change indicators - sea temperatures, wind speeds, polar ice thickness and so on - are vital for feeding into computer models and helping scientists to evaluate the threat. But the potential for satellites to help us cope with climate change goes beyond even that. <table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="1" align="center"><tbody><tr><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21567&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">&lt;&lt; back</a></td><td> </td><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21567&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">beginning</a></td><td> </td><td align="center" valign="middle"><a href="../index.cfm?c=21569&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">forward &gt;&gt;</a></td></tr></tbody></table>

Text / Kate GriffinThe blanket is gold-coloured and smooth to the touch. Look closer, and you can see the flimsy layers beneath the shiny surface. It looks as if it's been discarded by one of the Wise Men in a school nativity play, but this material is destined for better things. The &quot;blanket&quot; is a sheet of aluminium coated in Kapton, a plastic film designed to be stable at a wide range of temperatures; it's a substance used in space as the protective coating of satellite modules. I'm at the UK site of Astrium, one of the most advanced companies in the space industry. From the unprepossessing surroundings of Stevenage in Hertfordshire, Astrium's UK plant designs and builds satellites and vehicles destined for outer space.The plant has long been at the cutting edge of the aerospace industry. Perhaps Astrium's most famous project was Beagle 2, part of the European Space Agency's first (and ultimately unsuccessful) Mars mission. But the Beagle 2 project is just a fraction of the exciting work carried out at the plant.Right now, Astrium's engineers are constructing the Gaia spacecraft, an unmanned craft set to launch in 2012. Its mission is to map a billion stars, using the most powerful telescope ever created. Gaia's equipment is so sensitive that if the craft was on the moon, it could measure the thumbnail of a person standing on Earth. Astrium has also been chosen by the European Space Agency (ESA) as prime contractor for one of the most ambitious space projects ever undertaken: the ongoing construction and assembly of the International Space Station, which includes an orbital laboratory for scientists to carry out cutting-edge experiments in a low-gravity environment. <table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="1" align="center"><tbody><tr><td align="center" valign="middle"><a href="../index.cfm?c=21568&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">forward &gt;&gt;</a> </td></tr></tbody></table>

Satellite engineers at Astrium are developing new technologies that will assist in protecting the environment. Their union, Unite, helps Astrium stay at the cutting edge of technology by fighting for better pay and conditions, enabling the company to recruit and train the best people.

GERMANY:  In November the management board of Daimler AG announced their plans to shift production of the Mercedes-Benz C-Class model designed for the U.S. market to the plant in Alabama, USA. This announcement caused a lot of anxiety and worries among 37,000 employees of the plant in Sindelfingen, Germany. In fact according to the works council such decision put in danger 3,000 jobs and could potentially affect the decision on further production of the E-Class model on the German site.The works council together with the IMF German affiliate IG Metall organized a number of protest actions including short-term strikes and a few demonstrations inside and outside of the company; each action gathered about 10,000 to 15,000 workers of the plant.Following the pressure made by the works council together with the union on Wednesday, 9 December the management signed a shop agreement excluding involuntary dismissals until December 31, 2019 for the entire workforce of the Sindelfingen plant.In addition the Sindelfingen plant is confirmed as the production site for luxury cars within the Daimler Group. 2,700 jobs will be created through additional products including Mercedes-Benz SL-Class. Also the management plans include 500 non-manual workers involved in temporary support activities for the Research &amp; Development Department and Production Planning to be employed on permanent basis.

In November Daimler AG announced the plans to shift the C-Class Model from the plant in Sindelfingen to the Alabama plant in the USA. Thanks to the union efforts workers managed to keep their jobs.

Safeguarding agreement achieved at Daimler in Sindelfingen

AUSTRALIA:  IMF-Australian affiliates AMWU and AWU together with three other unions recently concluded a constructive relationship agreement with the French company.  According to this agreement Thales recognizes that &quot;The workforce, at all levels and without regard to job function, whether directly or indirectly engaged, have the right to join and be represented by the appropriate union, this includes the right to bargain collectively in good faith, and to have appropriate union representation and information in the workplace&quot;.  Thales further expects and encourages its other partners, i.e. contractors, to also respect workers' rights to organize and collective bargaining. Mike Nicolaides, the AMWU's Technical, Supervisory and Administrative Division Secretary, welcomed this agreement by which the company formally recognizes the benefits of union membership and working with the trade unions.  &quot;Not only has the company signed a document but it is giving practical expression to the document in the workplace, facilitating contact between employees and the unions in largely un-unionised sites&quot; Mike said.  This is an important breakthrough at a company which was hostile to union activity during the eleven years of conservative government in Australia.  Recent changes in labour legislation introducing more protection for employees and greater powers for unions to achieve collective agreements have been instrumental in reaching this agreement.Thales employs a total of 3,800 people in Australia in over 35 sites.  Roughly 2,200 are covered by collective agreements in force.  The other 1,600 are predominantly non-manual employees, covered by individual common law contracts or on expired collective agreements, and the vast bulk of them are non-unionised.  The company's stated intention is to move towards a single national agreement over time to cover all employees.  The agreement provisions provide genuine opportunity for the unions to organize non-manual employees, to the benefit of those employees and the company's.  The AMWU together with another union has started conducting focus groups and induction courses of the company's  non-manual workers at certain bigger sites with some encouraging results.

Agreement offers new organizing opportunities for non-manual workers

Constructive relationship agreement with Thales Australia

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