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Gomomo started working at Volkswagen in Uitenhage in the Eastern Cape in the 1960s. At that time it was illegal for African workers to join trade unions. Racism was rife and divisions in the workplace on access to benefits and skills mirrored that of the apartheid state. Yet Daniel Dube, Numsa's first president elected in 1987, remembers that. "The success of Gomomo was in bringing together different racial groups with different politics -- some supported Matanzima and the homelands policy, many coloureds supported the apartheid government's tri- cameral policy. He made them focus on the power that they have got inside the factory irrespective of their different skin colours. By focusing on the improvement of their basic working conditions inside the factory,  these improved conditions would spill over to their social set-up." This unity could be seen when Gomomo and other shop stewards called meetings of all workers at  KwaNobuhle (African township in Uitenhage). "They would gather at Jabavu Stadium and you would see everyone - Africans, coloureds and a few whites. ." says Dube. Because VW was a multinational with its headquarters in Germany, Gomomo started to play a strong leadership role and linked with the VW works council in Gothenburg, where the main VW factory was, as well as other cities in Germany. As international links were strengthened he learned first hand the importance of strong worker to worker contact across continents and countries. "Gomomo was the public face of South African workers at German metal union, IG Metall and of course Volkswagen in particular," says researcher Chris Bolsmann. "His relationship with German activists, unionists, officials and Works Council members was crucial in ensuring the Uitenhage plant and apartheid more generally remained an important focus in German circles." But Gomomo was not a 'clock card' shop steward. His concerns for his members stretched beyond the factory floor.  "Gomomo was one of the prominent leaders in the community in guiding and advising," says Dube. He helped to ensure that organised workers took up community complaints and used workplace pressure on workers' companies to put pressure on local government to resolve the problems. And in communities he, with others, encouraged the formation of street and area committees to strengthen democracy within the community. For all these efforts he suffered personally. His house was petrol bombed and he narrowly escaped injury. Such was fellow VW workers' concern and respect for their leader that "they took it upon themselves to protect Gomomo -- they would sleep inside his yard night after night," remembers Dube. And when the security police tried to detain him, they came up against the might of VW workers. If Gomomo was detained early in the morning "by 9am the whole of VW had stopped work and were marching to security police offices in Uitenhage," says Dube. Workers would threaten VW management that they would only resume work once he was released. "And now VW was under pressure because the German head office would not allow the factory to stand still because of anti-apartheid pressure on German companies!" So by 12 midday he would be released. "No other leader in Uitenhage ever enjoyed that kind of support!" As vice president of Naawu he played a leading role in the unity talks that resulted in the formation of Cosatu in 1985 and later when 7 metalworkers combined to form Numsa in 1987. His commitment to worker control and democracy was to be tested during the mid-1990s when Cosatu became part of the tri-partite alliance and had to deal with new government policies like its new economic policy GEAR that promised growth and employment. As Cosatu president, Gomomo famously responded that for workers GEAR meant putting the economy into 'reverse GEAR!' Even when he was elected to parliament on an ANC ticket in 1999, "he used to take on the ANC caucus," says one time Numsa vice president, and now ANC MP Danny Oliphant. "He would take on the ANC leadership from the president right down to the ministers when issues weren't addressed properly. He was not happy with the implementation of the labour laws." At the time of his death in January 2008 he was chairperson of the Portfolio on Public Service and Administration in parliament. Adapted from an article  in Numsa News No 1 March 2008  Photo: William Matlala

A Tribute To A Metalworker And A Servant Of The People- Phumzile John Gomomo

SEWUN IMF affiliates from Nigeria since 2005, is a product of a merger of 5 small unions since 2000, the union has not yet been able to concretely integrate the staff members and to consolidate the union structures. Presently, there are 45 staff members servicing 28 000 members. This ratio imbalance is problematic for the union in terms of the needs of workers. Some of the causes of the union's problems include weak union structures, lack of coherent union strategy, lack of trained leadership and staff, unable to deal with new challenges and resistance by the old leadership to adapt to new realities. The effects of these problems are shown in low union membership, unsustainable union strategy, lack of resources to service members, lack of influence on the industry in the labour movement and  lack of perspective and action plan to build up the union. The Nigerian government has recently passed laws that encourage the establishment of other national centres and unions. In June 2007, a strategic planning meeting was held in Lagos, Nigeria for SEWUN [Steel and Engineering Workers Union of Nigeria]. Key outcomes were the need for strong leadership and for SEWUN to organise and build strong structures to service members, or else the union might lose members to small and right wing unions. Other outcomes included the set up of a Constitutional Review Committee to look into the development and contribution of each sector within the union. In October 2007 an evaluation meeting was arranged with NUMSA, IMF, Finnish Metall and SASK to assess how far SEWUN has progressed in terms of a project that had been established to assist SEWUN. However, representatives found SEWUN in crisis. Division amongst the leadership into two factions and the lack of trust, accountability and transparency lay at the core of the issue.   IMF and NUMSA tried to assist the factions  to resolve the problems that had resulted in the division of the union and it was also necessary for the Registrar of Trade Unions to become involved.   After much discussions an agreement emerged that provided space for the unanimous resolution of the crisis in  SEWUN with the following provisions: 1) The leadership that has been dismissed through the crisis should be re-instated. 2) All posts created during the crisis should be dissolved 3) There is agreement that there is only ONE Metal Sector within SEWUN 4) All resolutions reached by both parties in the wake of the crisis stand dissolved 5) All parties should work together, in true cooperation, for the improved growth of the union and to provide effective services for members Some of the recommendations from NUMSA and the IMF that emerged from the meeting are as follows: a) The unions should have weekly meetings because meetings are important to keep abreast of new developments within the union and even though not everybody will be available for weekly meetings, the meetings should be recorded [notes taken] so that people can have access to the proceedings. b) The outcomes of these meetings must be conveyed to the IMF for progress purposes c) Correspondence to the regional office must be done on a monthly basis d) Communication between leadership needs to be improved e) The Constitutional Review Committee process needs to be speeded up with resource, external experienced person  required to assist within this process by the IMF f) All parties should be committed to the agreement and the resolutions need to be adopted with immediate effect There was agreement between NUMSA, Finnish Metall, SASK and the IMF that the problems within SEWUN can, with hard work and commitment,  be solved and that the unity that the agreement provides for, is one that can be achieved. Such factions in leadership does not serve the best interest of workers that can only benefit from strong united representation. it is hoped that this will be a lasting resolution that will serve to strengthen SEWUN for metalworkers in Nigeria

Crisis In SEWUN Resolved With The Assistance Of IMF And NUMSA

The regulation of the South African market is considered to be progressive with good organisational rights and recognition of the right to strike. There is support for majoritarianism and central bargaining and a regulatory framework for collective bargaining. Despite this there has been a deterioration in organisation capacity in trade unions. this has been the result of several factors that are interrelated including the de-radicalisation of workers, declining membership, high cadre turnover and the failure of unions to adopt strategies to tackle new management techniques. Before BHP Billiton took over Samancor there was a good organising environment marked by growth in membership. There were significant gains in worker rand organisation rights. there was an overarching universal framework around strategic policy and procedural issues with regard to transformation, restructuring, productivity and development. Whilst it was not without its own issues, there were effective participatory structures. Then along came BHP Billiton that immediately began with its union bashing tactics. Under the flag of rationalisation, plants were closed and production transferred. This hit workers hard reducing workers at Ferrometals by half from 1200 to 600. Palmet Ferro Chrome was closed and Middlelburg permanent workers were reduced from about 700 to 500. This led to an increase in precarious work forms at the plants through the use of labour brokers and limited duration contract workers. Workers doing precarious work for BHP Billiton outnumbers those in permanent employment. Alusaf Bayside has 1300 permanent workers and 1550 contract workers and Hillside has 1200 permanent and 800 contract. At Mozal in Mozambique there are 1250 permanent workers and 1800 contract workers.   BHP Billiton has also dismantled participative structures and reintroduced unilateralism. they have divided workers by promoting union rivalry and establishing separate bargaining units for different categories of workers. The company has undermined health and safety and other working conditions by putting a price tag to these, using money to buy these rights from workers. In seeking a way forward, workers of BHP Billiton and their trade unions need to develop organising strength through recruitment and internal cadre development. At a national level there needs to be campaigns targeting BHP Billiton for decent work and the respect for trade union and worker rights. We must also support through solidarity actions our comrades at BHP Billiton plants in other countries and voice demands for BHP Billiton to enter into an international framework agreement with IMF and ICEM for the benefit of BHP Billiton workers all over the world. This article has been adapted from a presentation by NUMSA Representative Abraham Mathiebela

Fighting Back Against BHP Billiton in South Africa

<a href="/wp-content/migration/imf/RelatedFiles/Rules_EN.pdf">Download IMF Rules as a pdf file</a><a class="imagetext" href="/wp-content/migration/imf/RelatedFiles/Rules_EN.pdf" title=" "><img alt="IMF Rules in pdf" border="0" src="" style="width:25px;height:25px;margin-bottom:-7px" /></a> Table of contents <a href="../index.cfm?c=20019&amp;l=2">ARTICLE 1 - PURPOSE OF THE FEDERATION</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20020&amp;l=2">ARTICLE 2 - MISSION OF THE FEDERATION</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20021&amp;l=2">ARTICLE 3 - STRUCTURE OF THE FEDERATION</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20021&amp;l=2">1. Overall Structure</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20022&amp;l=2">2. The Congress</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20023&amp;l=2">3. The Central Committee</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20024&amp;l=2">4. The Executive Committee</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20025&amp;l=2">5. The Finance Committee</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20026&amp;l=2">6. The Auditing Committee</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20027&amp;l=2">ARTICLE 4 - EXECUTING BODIES OF THE FEDERATION</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20027&amp;l=2">1. Federation&#039;s Secretariat</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20027&amp;l=2">2. Industrial and Organisational Departments</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20027&amp;l=2">3. Regional Structures</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20028&amp;l=2">ARTICLE 5 - DUTIES OF THE PRESIDENT, VICE PRESIDENT, GENERAL SECRETARY AND ASSISTANT GENERAL SECRETARIES</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20028&amp;l=2">1. Duties of the President</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20028&amp;l=2">2. Duties of the Vice President</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20028&amp;l=2">3. Duties of the General Secretary and Assistant General Secretaries</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20029&amp;l=2">ARTICLE 6 - NATIONAL SECTIONS AND COMMITTEES</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20030&amp;l=2">ARTICLE 7 - ADMISSION, RESIGNATION AND EXPULSION</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20030&amp;l=2">1. Admission</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20030&amp;l=2">2. Suspension and Expulsion</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20030&amp;l=2">3. Resignation</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20031&amp;l=2">ARTICLE 8 - FINANCIAL CONTRIBUTIONS, ANNUAL SUBSCRIPTIONS, SPECIAL CONTRIBUTIONS</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20032&amp;l=2">ARTICLE 9 - SUBSCRIPTIONS IN ARREARS AND EXONERATIONS</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20033&amp;l=2">ARTICLE 10 - REVISION OF RULES </a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20034&amp;l=2">ARTICLE 11 - IMF HEADQUARTERS</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20035&amp;l=2">ARTICLE 12 - DISSOLUTION OF THE FEDERATION</a>

amended at the  32nd IMF World Congress
Gothenburg, Sweden, May 24-28, 2009

IMF RULES

<a href="/wp-content/migration/imf/RelatedFiles/AP2009-2013Final-English.pdf">Download IMF Action Programme as a pdf file</a><a class="imagetext" href="/wp-content/migration/imf/RelatedFiles/AP2009-2013Final-English.pdf" title=" "><img src="" border="0" alt="IMF Action Programme in pdf" style="width:25px;height:25px;margin-bottom:-7px" /> </a>

<a href="../index.cfm?c=19940&amp;ol=2">PREFACE</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19941&amp;ol=2">1. OUR MISSION</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=19942&amp;ol=2">2. THE WORLD TODAY</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=19943&amp;ol=2">2.1. </a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19943&amp;ol=2">Profits over people</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19944&amp;ol=2">2.2. </a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19944&amp;ol=2">Unemployment and job insecurity</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19945&amp;ol=2">2.3. </a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19945&amp;ol=2">Unions under attack</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19946&amp;ol=2">2.4. </a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19946&amp;ol=2">Fundamental workers&acute; rights denied</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19947&amp;ol=2">2.5. </a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19947&amp;ol=2">Spreading influence of Transnational Corporations</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19948&amp;ol=2">2.6. </a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19948&amp;ol=2">World trade system in disarray</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19949&amp;ol=2">2.7. </a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19949&amp;ol=2">An unsustainable future</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19950&amp;ol=2">2.8. </a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19950&amp;ol=2">Alliances, resistance and opportunities</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20523&amp;ol=2">3. GLOBAL SOLIDARITY IN ACTION</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19951&amp;ol=2">3.1. </a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19951&amp;ol=2">Build strong national trade unions</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19952&amp;ol=2">3.1.1. Organise the unorganised</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19953&amp;ol=2">3.1.2. Strive for trade union unity at the national level </a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19954&amp;ol=2">3.1.3. Build unions through education, training and effective exchange of information</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19955&amp;ol=2">3.2. </a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19955&amp;ol=2">Strengthening collective bargaining</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=20557&amp;ol=2">3.3. </a><a href="../index.cfm?c=20557&amp;ol=2">Defend and protect workers&#039; rights</a> <a href="../index.cfm?c=19957&amp;ol=2">3.3.1. Fight for trade union rights</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19958&amp;ol=2">3.3.2. Fight for Equal Rights</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19959&amp;ol=2">3.3.3. Fight for safe workplaces</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19960&amp;ol=2">3.4. </a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19960&amp;ol=2">Build a counterweight to the power of transnational corporations </a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19961&amp;ol=2">3.4.1. Strengthening union solidarity and cooperation across sectors and TNCs</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19962&amp;ol=2">3.4.2. Advance fundamental rights through International Framework Agreements</a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19963&amp;ol=2">3.5. </a><a href="../index.cfm?c=19963&amp;ol=2">Fight for sustainable trade, development and employment</a> &nbsp;

Adopted at the 32nd IMF World Congress
Gothenburg, Sweden, May 24-28, 2009

IMF Action Programme 2009-2013

IMF ACTION PROGRAMME2009 - 2013

GENEVA: The International Metalworkers' Federation joined with other global unions to organize a special forum during the International Labour Conference (ILC) to draw delegates' attention to the many abuses of labour rights suffered by precarious workers.Shin Seung-Chul, General Secretary of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions described how dispatch workers in Korea are prevented from joining a union and bargaining with their employer. Chair of the Korean Metal Workers' Union's Kiryung Branch, Kim So-Yun, then updated delegates on the situation in Kiryung Electronics where precarious workers have been on strike now for over 1400 days in a protracted, and at times violent, struggle for regular employment status. The experiences in Korea are typical of how companies are acting throughout the world to evade their responsibilities as employers and pass risks onto workers.  Jenny Holdcroft of IMF explained how IMF affiliates see the explosion of precarious work as a devastating threat to wages and working conditions as it undermines workers' rights to join a union and bargain collectively. She also briefed delegates on steps the global unions have taken to insist that the ILO give greater recognition to the situation of precarious workers in its work, including application of labour standards. Kirill Buketov of the IUF gave a further illustration of the damage wrought by this trend by presenting the employment practices of food multinational Unilever.  In factories producing Lipton Tea, up to 100% of the workforce are now casual or daily hire workers and have no right to join the union, nor to medical benefits, sick leave or annual leave.Jim Baker, Coordinator of the Council of Global Unions summed up the presentations by saying ''This is a key issue which will undermine or even destroy the ILO if it is not reversed.&quot;The ILC delegates present expressed their support for an increased focus on the rights of precarious workers and there was consensus on the need for the ILO to take stock of how Conventions 87 and 98 on the rights to freedom of association and collective bargaining can be effectively applied in an employment environment dominated by precarious work.

At a side event to the International Labour Conference, unions showed how precarious workers are being systematically denied their rights to organize and bargain collectively.

Workers call on ILO to improve rights of precarious workers

The universal and fundamental right of workers to form and join independent trade unions and to bargain collectively with their employers is the basis of trade union organisation. The IMF has always given the highest priority to fighting against the repression of trade unions and the violations of workers' and human rights. Binding intergovernmental rules in order to implement the core labour standards remain a fundamental demand of the IMF.  The core labour standards of the ILO must be integrated both into the agreements of the WTO and in bi- and multilateral trade and investment agreements.  In order to monitor the ILO standards in the WTO agreements, the existing ILO monitoring mechanisms need to be strengthened and extended, as demanded in 2008 in the ILO Declaration on Social Justice in a Globalized World.  These demands will require stronger efforts from the IMF and its affiliates, together with other GUFs, the ITUC and TUAC. We have to become more visible, particularly in voicing our support of trade unionists who face grave risks including intimidation, assault, abduction, imprisonment, and even murder.It is the main responsibility of the community of states and national governments to finally put into practice binding and sanctionable intergovernmental rules in order to enforce and implement a social dimension of globalization.  Commitment of companies, such as IFAs, may represent an additional protection for workers.In the age of globalisation, not only has the opportunity for international solidarity action increased, but its role in the fight for the advancement of  trade union rights has become much more critical. Solidarity action is only as powerful as the collective force behind it. To be effective, it requires a two-pronged strategy, on one hand to put pressure on governments that systematically violate trade union and human rights, and on the other to take action against the anti-union behaviour of companies. For this purpose, it is particularly important to put pressure on employers along the companies' supply chain.Furthermore, employers must not be allowed to profit from labour laws that render them immune from prosecution for violations of fundamental rights, as is the case in the Republic of Korea, where the criminal code also allows companies to sue unions and seek incarceration of union leaders under the charge of &quot;obstruction of business&quot;. Such situations require carefully designed actions based on a systematic and close collaboration between the IMF, its affiliates, the other GUFs, TUAC and ITUC. Most important, however, is international workers' solidarity with a strongly committed organisation at the local level, failing which, no international solidarity action can be effective.The IMF and its affiliates must go beyond mere coordination. Campaigns to effectively respond to violations of workers' rights by TNCs or certain countries and regions must be promoted and led by the IMF. To make this possible, affiliates must be fully committed to mobilising their members and be capable of implementing common strategies in the context of their respective countries, which includes ensuring a communication flow to their members to support their mobilisation efforts. We can only respond to rights violations as soon as they arise if we have an effective system and membership support and understanding. IMF will collaborate with its affiliates and with other GUFs, TUAC, ITUC and Non-governmental Organisations (NGOs) to:<ul><li>Enforce the protection of worker and trade union rights through IFAs, OECD guidelines, ILO instruments, and trade agreements that include the ILO core labour standards and social minimum standards as well as sanctions in case of non-compliance to complement mobilisation efforts on the ground; </li><li>Develop strategies and promote joint actions to achieve binding intergovernmental regulations on the enforcement of minimum social standards. This will include mobilizing and additional efforts at international and national levels to promote the universal respect in law and practice of the ILO's fundamental Conventions;</li><li>Expose governments and companies that exploit workers and violate trade union rights, and develop issue-specific solidarity actions to reduce precarious work, subcontracting, two-tier wage systems, and legislative initiatives that seek to undermine workers' rights;</li><li>Disseminate information about trade union rights abuses immediately and effectively through a rapid response system;</li><li>Establish solidarity networks locally, regionally and internationally;</li><li>Establish a solidarity page on the IMF website to serve as a resource for solidarity action and information, including ILO complaint guidelines and campaign status updates, news and other materials; and</li><li>Provide affiliates and partners with information on actions, outcomes, evaluations of achievements, and strategies for future work regarding the advancement of trade union rights.</li></ul> IMF will assist its affiliates to ensure that:<ul><li>Rapid response is organised to any TNC attack on workers' rights through information and mobilisation of the employees of the same company in all its countries of operations, and united action is taken while also pursuing cooperation among the IMF affiliates in these countries.</li></ul> IMF affiliates will:<ul><li>Mobilise their members in support of unions fighting company-sponsored unions, anti-union legislation, union-busting tactics and industrial relations disputes;</li><li>Ensure that immediate information on rights violations is fed into the IMF's rapid response system, and that there are timely updates on developments and local actions;</li><li>Commit themselves to actively participate in campaigns developed by the IMF and take joint actions with other national unions and other like-minded social actors;</li><li>Include rights issues in training and educational materials to ensure that solidarity actions and rights awareness reach the shop-floor; </li><li>Publicize rights abuses, solidarity efforts and action taken internationally; and</li><li>Ensure that no benefit guaranteed to the employees of a TNC in one country is based on an attack on the rights of its employees in another country.</li></ul>

Preface

3. GLOBAL SOLIDARITY IN ACTION

3.3 Defend and protect workers rights

1. OUR MISSION

2. THE WORLD TODAY

2.1 Profits over people

2.2 Unemployment and job insecurity

2.3 Unions under attack

2.4 Fundamental workers´ rights denied

2.5 Spreading influence of Transnational Corporations

2.6 World trade system in disarray

2.7 An unsustainable future

2.8 Alliances, resistance and opportunities

3.1 Build strong national trade unions

3.1.1 Organise the unorganised

3.1.2 Strive for trade union unity at the national level

3.1.3 Build unions through education, training and effective exchange of information

3.2 Strengthening collective bargaining

3.3.1 Fight for trade union rights

3.3.2 Fight for Equal Rights

3.3.3 Fight for safe workplaces

3.4 Build a counterweight to the power of transnational corporations

3.4.1 Strengthening union solidarity and cooperation across sectors and TNCs

3.4.2 Advance fundamental rights through International Framework Agreements

Throughout the world, people are meeting and mobilising against the destructive effect of unbridled capitalism, all-out deregulation and corporate abuses; they call for the promotion of democracy, human rights, and social justice.  Various social and political movements have rejected the neo-liberal consensus and are following a different path. The World Social Forum process that started in 2001 in Porto Alegre, Brazil is still the largest and most inclusive space where alliances can be built and joint initiatives taken with different social actors. In the last decade, real political change has taken place in some countries, most notably in Latin America, where democratic and progressive governments have come to power and have challenged the neo-liberal economic model by renationalizing their key natural resources and using its profits to benefit the many and not just the few. Numerous movements and networks that play an important role in local and global politics have emerged, creating spaces of dialogue and common action, and building broad-based coalitions. There is now a window of opportunity for the world's progressive social forces to get together and come up with alternatives to neo-liberal policies.  Alternatives dedicated to sustainable development, human rights, gender equity and the protection of individual and collective rights in the economy offer opportunities for solidarity and alliances for working people everywhere.

A globalised economy could benefit workers throughout the world and improve prospects for social progress and sustainable development.  However this will not happen by following a deregulation agenda.  The growing inequalities between and within countries generated by neo-liberal policies and free trade show that workers are not receiving an equitable share of the wealth they create in society.  Unsustainable commercial and production practices, spurred on by unregulated globalisation, have caused risks posed by industry, public health concerns, environmental preservation, and climate change to move to centre stage.  Climate change is a threat to sustainable development and will affect human well-being, industrial activities, and employment.  It is not just a concern for the developed countries, which still account for most greenhouse gas pollutants. The rapid, energy-intensive growth in China, India and other fast-moving industrialising economies is also contributing to the increase in green-house gas emissions. Global warming is now widely acknowledged to be the most critical environmental issue facing humanity.  There is strong scientific evidence that most of the warming observed is attributable to unregulated economic activities and consumption based on a massive and excessive exploitation of natural resources, which also results in widespread industrial pollution.  Fast growing emissions caused by transport, industries, and fossil fuel power plants are made possible by a globalisation that is promoted by neo-liberal policies, including a huge increase in free trade and the associated transportation costs. Production regardless of costs to the environment and the costs of recycling and disposal is prevalent.  There is a scientific consensus that immediate measures such as cuts in emissions of greenhouse gases, a stop to the destruction of forests (especially rain forests), and a change in agricultural production towards  biologically-based systems is essential.Furthermore, trade in dangerous wastes such as chemical and other industrial residues including nuclear power stations must either be strictly regulated, or should be stopped. Today, such wastes are often dumped by industrialised countries in developing countries.  The latter accept these practices for the short term and minimal income they provide.  There is much evidence that the receiving countries often cannot handle the wastes in a safe and proper manner. Frequently, they are stocked in open spaces where children and poor women go in search of the wherewithal for survival.The global fight for environmental protection must take employment implications and opportunities fully into consideration. Whilst environmental protection has a cost, there is a huge potential for job creation in metal industries, particularly in those related to alternative energies, construction, and fuel-efficient transportation. Creation of stable, safe, and good jobs must be put at centre of the response to the environmental crisis. These jobs must be based on production of goods and services that are useful and accessible to everyone in the community.  Because many environmental problems have their roots in the workplace, workers are in a unique position to contribute to solutions.  Moreover, the role of trade unions, especially industrial unions, needs to be strong at the sectoral level where special attention must be given to auto, steel, aluminium, aerospace and power generation, which are all  fundamental for the future of our economy.  Finally, these positive developments will only happen if trade unions all around the world and their allies fight against neo-liberalism and for effective national industrial development policies.Globalisation and its social impact is an important factor in the spread of HIV/AIDS and other new epidemics.  As a result, these epidemics. cannot be addressed as an isolated issue, but only in the context of trade, investments, the employment relationship, and social protection. Less developed countries with high levels of poverty and inequality are especially vulnerable. As a result of the policy pressures from international financial institutions, poverty amongst the most economically marginalized groups is deepening. This affects both the spread and the response to the epidemics.  Unions are key actors at the workplace; they can protect workers and develop agreements with employers to promote access to care and treatment, and to prevent discrimination.  Trade unions also play a wider social and political role within civil society, which seeks to alleviate poverty and deprivation by raising wages, living and social standards. A global arms race, which stirs up tensions and conflicts across the world, also threatens a sustainable future. World military spending has increased by 45 per cent since 1998. The struggle to secure access to vital supplies of energy and other raw materials is a major factor contributing to this military build-up.  At the same time these limited resources are depleted by wasteful and unnecessary production and growing populations. On the other  hand,  investment in much-needed education and health programmes, and in official development assistance has lagged behind.

Too often governments prioritise the interests of TNCs over the interests of workers, which is particularly apparent when it comes to questions of trade. Not surprisingly the current world trading system continues to demonstrate its inability to tackle the issue of sustainable development and address the needs of workers worldwide. Trade unions energetically oppose the current proposals for further liberalisation of trade in manufactured goods, because these would undermine prospects for progress in many developing economies and weaken labour relative to multinational capital in developing and developed economies. While multilateralism is in crisis, there is a proliferation of bilateral and regional trade agreements that, in most cases, have been negotiated without any trade union consultation and input.  Unfair trade practices and the resistance of governments to incorporating core labour standards in an enforceable manner in trade and investment agreements are intensifying current strains in the multilateral system. Trade can be an engine for economic and social development, but for this to happen current policies and practices must be fundamentally changed. Violations of core labour standards are not only an affront to human rights, but also an economic distortion. They are no different than the distortions caused by unfair subsidies or violations of intellectual property rights, which are subject to WTO sanctions.  China's growing participation in international trade has increased competitive pressures on workers in both developed and developing countries, and breaches of core labour standards.  In particular, the development impact of China's involvement in Africa and Latin America, driven by a need to access energy and mineral resources to feed its rapid industrialisation, has become a major source of concern, as has its currency policy.

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