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in resisting apartheid in South Africa or stayed out of party politics in post colonial Kenya, resisted incorporation into the organs of state in Francophone Africa or stayed out of elections in Zimbabwe?   Common sense tells us there are probably as many answers to these kinds of questions as there are different political situations and economic contexts in which the question is asked. So in order to begin to develop a broader response that may apply across different national situations we need to try and figure out some principles to apply to different situations. The first question we may ask is what we mean by political? There is the narrow view that sees political as being limited to party political issues and therefore elections. This tends to be a liberal view that attempts to artificially  separate economics from politics. This view often argues that unions have no political role and usually goes further to argue that whilst unions have a right to exists they are negative institutions that prevent the free market from operating ...well, freely. If we think about it though this makes no sense at all. How can politics be separate from economics? It's like saying that ice and water are two completely different and unrelated things because one is solid and the other liquid and conveniently assuming away the effect of temperature. You see the connection between politics and economics every time you watch the news or read a newspaper. A politician says this or that and it affects the value of the currency. Labour legislation is changed to attract investors and workers suffer as a consequence.    Unions are clearly not political parties but they most definitely are organisations of economic interest and by their very reason for existence must intervene in the economic arena to further the interests of the people that create and build union organisation, the working class. If the union does not have this as a purpose it simply can not be called a union. If we accept that politics and economics are linked then as unionists we have to accept that political engagement is unavoidable. But does this mean simply throwing our support to one political party or another? To answer this let us look at the other argument that sees politics and economics as inseparable. Here, to continue our ice and water analogy, temperature would be the mode of production in the society and it is not assumed away at all. If the society is based on the political economic system of capitalism the system it self dictates that the state must represent the interests of one class over the other for unless there is growth through the exploitation of labour the system itself can not continue to work. The simple understanding of this view would therefore see any political party that does not want to change the economic system and is trying to become the ruling party, as much the same as all the others. This view can make sense. Consider America, where people often say it makes no difference whether you vote for the Republican or Democratic party, there is only one party the Capitalist party. Can this mean there no space to win benefits for the working class and therefore political engagement is pointless? As power collides in society there is space to win concessions that are in the interests of the working class. Another possibility is where rulers come to see the whole system as being for their own purposes or benefit, We have seen this before in Africa, where sytems can come to resemble feudalism or even worse slavery, where the ruling party start to take on the image of royalty and the leader is king. In such a situation the capitalist class and working people may even find themselves in a strange alliance. History shows us many points where workers have been able to take advantage of divisions in power to further our interests. The working week has been shortened, unions have won rights, at times bargaining has delivered improved living conditions and so on. So if as  labour leaders, we avoid these opportunities then we fail to represent the fundamental mandate of workers. There is no denying that the labour movement can play an influential political role in a country. But how should we decide to step into the political arena? Maybe a candidate used to be part of the trade unions, or maybe the party is offering some support for the union federation's building project, or maybe and so the reasons continue...These kinds of reasons have all been seen before but have also been shown as false reasons emerging because union leaders alone and not working class organizations as a whole has taken decisions to support a candidate. We need clear reasons (a strategy), clear undertakings from a political parties (a manifesto that supports a working class agenda), vigilance to ensure that promises are kept (accountability from unions and parties), education that builds worker's understanding and ownership of decisions (practiced democracy) and the process of deciding support and carrying it out must build working class unity. Beyond representing workers who have been dismissed or bargaining for wages the historic mission of the trade union movement has always been to unite the working class around their common interest.   Should any of these elements be absent then the political engagement of a trade union is likely to go against the interests of workers. Too often in the past the blood of workers has been shed in the interests of bourgeoisie politics and the politics of division and personal enrichment. It is the absolute responsibility of workers and union leaders to ensure this does not happen.

Trrroublemaker... Elections in Africa: What Is The Political Role of Trade Unions?

Gomomo started working at Volkswagen in Uitenhage in the Eastern Cape in the 1960s. At that time it was illegal for African workers to join trade unions. Racism was rife and divisions in the workplace on access to benefits and skills mirrored that of the apartheid state. Yet Daniel Dube, Numsa's first president elected in 1987, remembers that. "The success of Gomomo was in bringing together different racial groups with different politics -- some supported Matanzima and the homelands policy, many coloureds supported the apartheid government's tri- cameral policy. He made them focus on the power that they have got inside the factory irrespective of their different skin colours. By focusing on the improvement of their basic working conditions inside the factory,  these improved conditions would spill over to their social set-up." This unity could be seen when Gomomo and other shop stewards called meetings of all workers at  KwaNobuhle (African township in Uitenhage). "They would gather at Jabavu Stadium and you would see everyone - Africans, coloureds and a few whites. ." says Dube. Because VW was a multinational with its headquarters in Germany, Gomomo started to play a strong leadership role and linked with the VW works council in Gothenburg, where the main VW factory was, as well as other cities in Germany. As international links were strengthened he learned first hand the importance of strong worker to worker contact across continents and countries. "Gomomo was the public face of South African workers at German metal union, IG Metall and of course Volkswagen in particular," says researcher Chris Bolsmann. "His relationship with German activists, unionists, officials and Works Council members was crucial in ensuring the Uitenhage plant and apartheid more generally remained an important focus in German circles." But Gomomo was not a 'clock card' shop steward. His concerns for his members stretched beyond the factory floor.  "Gomomo was one of the prominent leaders in the community in guiding and advising," says Dube. He helped to ensure that organised workers took up community complaints and used workplace pressure on workers' companies to put pressure on local government to resolve the problems. And in communities he, with others, encouraged the formation of street and area committees to strengthen democracy within the community. For all these efforts he suffered personally. His house was petrol bombed and he narrowly escaped injury. Such was fellow VW workers' concern and respect for their leader that "they took it upon themselves to protect Gomomo -- they would sleep inside his yard night after night," remembers Dube. And when the security police tried to detain him, they came up against the might of VW workers. If Gomomo was detained early in the morning "by 9am the whole of VW had stopped work and were marching to security police offices in Uitenhage," says Dube. Workers would threaten VW management that they would only resume work once he was released. "And now VW was under pressure because the German head office would not allow the factory to stand still because of anti-apartheid pressure on German companies!" So by 12 midday he would be released. "No other leader in Uitenhage ever enjoyed that kind of support!" As vice president of Naawu he played a leading role in the unity talks that resulted in the formation of Cosatu in 1985 and later when 7 metalworkers combined to form Numsa in 1987. His commitment to worker control and democracy was to be tested during the mid-1990s when Cosatu became part of the tri-partite alliance and had to deal with new government policies like its new economic policy GEAR that promised growth and employment. As Cosatu president, Gomomo famously responded that for workers GEAR meant putting the economy into 'reverse GEAR!' Even when he was elected to parliament on an ANC ticket in 1999, "he used to take on the ANC caucus," says one time Numsa vice president, and now ANC MP Danny Oliphant. "He would take on the ANC leadership from the president right down to the ministers when issues weren't addressed properly. He was not happy with the implementation of the labour laws." At the time of his death in January 2008 he was chairperson of the Portfolio on Public Service and Administration in parliament. Adapted from an article  in Numsa News No 1 March 2008  Photo: William Matlala

A Tribute To A Metalworker And A Servant Of The People- Phumzile John Gomomo

SEWUN IMF affiliates from Nigeria since 2005, is a product of a merger of 5 small unions since 2000, the union has not yet been able to concretely integrate the staff members and to consolidate the union structures. Presently, there are 45 staff members servicing 28 000 members. This ratio imbalance is problematic for the union in terms of the needs of workers. Some of the causes of the union's problems include weak union structures, lack of coherent union strategy, lack of trained leadership and staff, unable to deal with new challenges and resistance by the old leadership to adapt to new realities. The effects of these problems are shown in low union membership, unsustainable union strategy, lack of resources to service members, lack of influence on the industry in the labour movement and  lack of perspective and action plan to build up the union. The Nigerian government has recently passed laws that encourage the establishment of other national centres and unions. In June 2007, a strategic planning meeting was held in Lagos, Nigeria for SEWUN [Steel and Engineering Workers Union of Nigeria]. Key outcomes were the need for strong leadership and for SEWUN to organise and build strong structures to service members, or else the union might lose members to small and right wing unions. Other outcomes included the set up of a Constitutional Review Committee to look into the development and contribution of each sector within the union. In October 2007 an evaluation meeting was arranged with NUMSA, IMF, Finnish Metall and SASK to assess how far SEWUN has progressed in terms of a project that had been established to assist SEWUN. However, representatives found SEWUN in crisis. Division amongst the leadership into two factions and the lack of trust, accountability and transparency lay at the core of the issue.   IMF and NUMSA tried to assist the factions  to resolve the problems that had resulted in the division of the union and it was also necessary for the Registrar of Trade Unions to become involved.   After much discussions an agreement emerged that provided space for the unanimous resolution of the crisis in  SEWUN with the following provisions: 1) The leadership that has been dismissed through the crisis should be re-instated. 2) All posts created during the crisis should be dissolved 3) There is agreement that there is only ONE Metal Sector within SEWUN 4) All resolutions reached by both parties in the wake of the crisis stand dissolved 5) All parties should work together, in true cooperation, for the improved growth of the union and to provide effective services for members Some of the recommendations from NUMSA and the IMF that emerged from the meeting are as follows: a) The unions should have weekly meetings because meetings are important to keep abreast of new developments within the union and even though not everybody will be available for weekly meetings, the meetings should be recorded [notes taken] so that people can have access to the proceedings. b) The outcomes of these meetings must be conveyed to the IMF for progress purposes c) Correspondence to the regional office must be done on a monthly basis d) Communication between leadership needs to be improved e) The Constitutional Review Committee process needs to be speeded up with resource, external experienced person  required to assist within this process by the IMF f) All parties should be committed to the agreement and the resolutions need to be adopted with immediate effect There was agreement between NUMSA, Finnish Metall, SASK and the IMF that the problems within SEWUN can, with hard work and commitment,  be solved and that the unity that the agreement provides for, is one that can be achieved. Such factions in leadership does not serve the best interest of workers that can only benefit from strong united representation. it is hoped that this will be a lasting resolution that will serve to strengthen SEWUN for metalworkers in Nigeria

Crisis In SEWUN Resolved With The Assistance Of IMF And NUMSA

The regulation of the South African market is considered to be progressive with good organisational rights and recognition of the right to strike. There is support for majoritarianism and central bargaining and a regulatory framework for collective bargaining. Despite this there has been a deterioration in organisation capacity in trade unions. this has been the result of several factors that are interrelated including the de-radicalisation of workers, declining membership, high cadre turnover and the failure of unions to adopt strategies to tackle new management techniques. Before BHP Billiton took over Samancor there was a good organising environment marked by growth in membership. There were significant gains in worker rand organisation rights. there was an overarching universal framework around strategic policy and procedural issues with regard to transformation, restructuring, productivity and development. Whilst it was not without its own issues, there were effective participatory structures. Then along came BHP Billiton that immediately began with its union bashing tactics. Under the flag of rationalisation, plants were closed and production transferred. This hit workers hard reducing workers at Ferrometals by half from 1200 to 600. Palmet Ferro Chrome was closed and Middlelburg permanent workers were reduced from about 700 to 500. This led to an increase in precarious work forms at the plants through the use of labour brokers and limited duration contract workers. Workers doing precarious work for BHP Billiton outnumbers those in permanent employment. Alusaf Bayside has 1300 permanent workers and 1550 contract workers and Hillside has 1200 permanent and 800 contract. At Mozal in Mozambique there are 1250 permanent workers and 1800 contract workers.   BHP Billiton has also dismantled participative structures and reintroduced unilateralism. they have divided workers by promoting union rivalry and establishing separate bargaining units for different categories of workers. The company has undermined health and safety and other working conditions by putting a price tag to these, using money to buy these rights from workers. In seeking a way forward, workers of BHP Billiton and their trade unions need to develop organising strength through recruitment and internal cadre development. At a national level there needs to be campaigns targeting BHP Billiton for decent work and the respect for trade union and worker rights. We must also support through solidarity actions our comrades at BHP Billiton plants in other countries and voice demands for BHP Billiton to enter into an international framework agreement with IMF and ICEM for the benefit of BHP Billiton workers all over the world. This article has been adapted from a presentation by NUMSA Representative Abraham Mathiebela

Fighting Back Against BHP Billiton in South Africa

Meeting the challenges of trade and interaction with China, India and the West, is at a key turning point right now. There are many threats and some strategic opportunities. To grab these opportunities in the interests of ordinary African people and not ruling elites as happened at the last turning point of independence there are some key prerequisites. Firstly accountability of our own governments to us the people, regardless of institutional democratic form, must be enforced. Secondly self importance in leadership must end as it divides leaders from their people. This issue of self importance extends into civil society and our trade union formations and it is here that the Big Man/Women syndrome must begin to die out. Heroes are good role models sometimes, but worshiping heroes gives all of people's power and responsibility away, as it undermines our self-worth and reliance on collective action. Then there is unity and self reliance. If Africa was united now it would be a superpower (yes a poor one) but one that could represent its own interests in dealing with China, India and the West. If Africa is to develop we must do it and nobody else. We understand historically what has led us to this point and how Africa has been systematically undermined, marginalized exploited and imprisoned by the interests of other nations often in the guise of assistance. The lesson should be clear development must come from within. No superpower, no matter who, can or will do this for us. This is a mindset that must change starting with small things and growing to how our governments interact with us and other states. As links with China and India grow and the policy stranglehold of the west is loosened, civil society must take a powerful and central role in these developments. It is African civil society that must explore and engage in a spirit of unity of purpose with civil society in Asia. This is an essential power balance against the oligarchic tendencies that will always exist between Capital and ruling groups regardless of their intentions. Our culture has to come to the front. This will be the single biggest step on the road to equality. Language is a key part of this. As Kwesi Kwaa Prah says, "it is not possible to develop Africa grounded in languages like English, French and Portuguese, or Arabic for that matter. Africans have to realise that the cultural base for development has to be their own. That is not to say they should not learn other languages, no, but they must make their languages the centre of all development efforts." If we do these things we will engage the world face to face in the interests of all African people.&nbsp;

Trrroublemaker...Africa&#039;s Development is in Our Hands

HIV/AIDS is probably the greatest challenges facing Africa and directly affects millions of workers on the continent. It has left no African untouched, some are HIV positive, others have close family and friends with the disease and by now there can be no one that does not know someone affected by this epidemic.  With HIV/AIDS comes a whole range of issues for families, communities and workplaces. Trade unions in Africa have confronted many other tough issues in the past and can use the same problem solving skills to address HIV/AIDS.  should respond to HIV/AIDS but how we should respond. A word of caution though, trade unions cannot take on all the issues brought on by this disease, we are not HIV/AIDS organisations. The truth of the matter is that there is a great deal of money available for HIV/AIDS in Africa and the temptation is to use this opportunity to create programmes because of funder needs and not workers and their organisation's needs.  This could cause problems for the union, for example, unions that take on HIV/AIDS projects providing HIV/AIDS services directly to members often use a large amount of union staff time taking them away from their work in the trade union organising and servicing members. This does not mean that the trade union does not have a role to play in the response to HIV/AIDS. Quite the opposite, we have a very important role to play Trade unions exist to represent workers interest and must service the interest of workers on HIV/AIDS. Trade unions should have programmes on HIV/AIDS but these should be directed at addressing specific areas such as education for worker leaders on rights of HIV positive workers, addressing stigma and discrimination in the workplace, how to support a worker that discloses her status to the worker representative and how to handle cases relating to HIV/AIDS. Trade unions also have a role to play in advocating on HIV/AIDS for rights and services at a national level and calling for broader developmental issues that will mitigate the impact of HIV/AIDS. The most significant role that unions can play in responding to HIV/AIDS is in the workplace by securing access to HIV/AIDS services for workers and protecting the rights of HIV positive workers. The establishment of workplace policy can secure these services and rights.   Prevention is a key strategy in addressing HIV/AIDS. Workers should be encouraged to go for testing, if they are negative they should be given information that will enable them to understand the risks and how they can reduce these risks. Role of the union is to negotiate such access and also make sure that treatment can be made available for workers. To keep in line with other union strategies unions could argue that such initiatives are extended to casualised workers. It is also logical such efforts should include workers families who may also be infected or affected by the disease. Workers can receive information and education on HIV prevention and risk reduction, counselling and testing and treatment at the workplace. The unions can get involved in or demand such programmes at the workplace and support initiatives such as peer educators where workers can educate in their workplace and can take this knowledge into their communities.  One of the most important things unions can do to support a member with HIV/AIDS is to help the worker stay on the job. Staying on the job means the worker keeps his or her livelihood, pride, dignity, and benefits. People living with HIV or AIDS should be allowed to work as long as they can perform their jobs. The workplace policy should establish reasonable accommodation of HIV positive workers that may need to be given tasks and responsibilities that they can perform if they are weakened by the disease. Reasonable accommodation may include job restructuring, modifying work schedules or reassignment, however this must not be a demotion and must not affect the HIV positive workers wages and benefits. Staying on the job means the union may need to help protect workers from discrimination on the job. Examples of discrimination at work are when co-workers have refused to work with a person who has or is regarded as being HIV positive, an employer has tried to fire a person because they have or are regarded as being HIV positive, an employer denied benefits, like sick leave, to a HIV positive worker with AIDS, unfair restrictions were placed on a HIV positive worker, like having to eat lunch alone or take breaks away from the other workers, and a qualified worker was passed up for a promotion because he or she has HIV or AIDS. Unions can use workplace policy to develop the principles on which an agreement can be negotiated to address the needs of HIV positive workers, for example granting adequate sick leave so that HIV positive workers so not use this up meeting appointment requirements for health check ups and collection of treatment drugs and can still have time off when they are sick. Sometimes the argument is made that by negotiating comprehensive policy and programmes, especially those that provide access to treatment through the workplace, that workers lose bargaining power at the negotiating table on wages and other areas. It is true that there is a risk of this happening and safeguards are needed. For instance, workplace policy could cover that HIV/AIDS programme provisions cannot be used as bargaining chip in negotiations on wages and other substantive issues. Provisions must also be made for treatment access in the case of dismissal, retrenchment or retirement until such time that treatment can be sourced elsewhere. The policy should empower HIV positive workers, not put workers lives at the mercy of employers whim.  Unions can drive the process for the development of sound workplace policies on HIV and AIDS by following established principles of collecting a mandate from workers and negotiating as their representative. A top down approach should be avoided, the policy must be driven from the shop floor and meet the needs of workers. It may be possible to establish policy on HIV/AIDS at sector level with the bargaining council, this should be seen as a starting point and unions must keep in mind that the needs of workers may differ from one workplace to another and programmes in the workplace must address these specific needs.   There are many organisations in Africa specialised in issues of HIV/AIDS. Unions can act as a bridge between workers and such organisations by building alliances on the issue. In this way a union engagement strategy can focus on the workplace whilst its efforts into communities and facilitating direct services can be achieved through cooperation. This can and should extend to supporting activist organisations making national demands where a union may throw its weight behind a protest march or a parliamentary submission. This actively engages memberships and contributes towards an organising culture in the union As a last point, unions are also employers, and as such we should concern ourselves with the development of workplace policies that protect the rights and dignity of their own staff members.     Workplace Policy and Programmes A workplace policy provides the framework for action to reduce the spread of HIV/AIDS and manage its impact. It: • commits the workplace to take action • ensures consistency with national laws • lays down a standard of behaviour for all workers • helps workers living with HIV/AIDS to understand what support and care they will receive • helps to stop the spread of the virus through prevention programmes • assists a workplace to plan for HIV/AIDS and manage its impact. A policy may consist of a detailed document just on HIV/AIDS, setting out programme as well as policy issues. It's important that the policy should promote action, not hold it up. For this reason it may be better to have a simple policy, and include more details in workplace agreements or contracts including the workplace programme. Workplace programmes translate paper policies and commitments into practical action. Comprehensive programmes include prevention, care and protection of rights. If a company can only provide some services in-house, refer staff to public health services for others. Targeted programmes means work with defined groups, taking into account their particular needs and the factors affecting their knowledge, attitudes and behaviours. Programmes may have activities for men and women separately as well as together, but should in any case be sensitive to gender issues. Steps to establishing workplace policy and programmes: 1. Talk to workers and find out their needs. This serves as a starting point for organising and mobilising. 2. Research the issue in the factory trying to find out potential impact on workers and the company 3. Approach management and engage them in negotiations on the issue 4. Develop a policy dealing with rights and responsibilities on HIV AIDS in the workplace, through these discussions 5. Develop a programme that delivers access to services and education regarding HIV/AIDS (e.g. counselling, testing, treatment, nutrition support, condom access, peer education etc.) 6. Continuously refer back to workers to keep them involved in the process. 7. Monitor that employers are implementing the process. Some unions have used special joint HIV/AIDS committees with the employer to achieve the above. This is fine so long as unions represent the interests and demands of workers at all times.&nbsp;

How Unions Can Respond to HIV/AIDS

The Congress for the Metal and Allied  Namibian Workers Union took place on 22 to 24 March 2007 in Windhoek.   Representatives at the Congress discussed the future of the union and challenges that the union faces. The Congress discussed  service delivery to its members and one strategy was to begin weekend study groups including in this programme worker rights, occupational health and safety and HIV/AIDS. The Congress grappled with how to implement the unions gender policy including participation of women in the unions structures and leadership and affirmative actions towards better employment of women.   One of the biggest issues discussed was is labour hiring practices and subcontracting especially in the construction sector where workers are retrenched when building contracts end. MANWU is not alone on this issue, the Namibian National Centre, NUNW has recognised this as an important issue to address for its affiliates and has planned a demonstration in June on concerns over ongoing retrenchments.      At the Congress new leadership was elected and IMF congratulates the new General Secretary Bernard Simaata Milinga, President Jacobus Shirunga, Vice President Martin Mwoonde and Treasurer Birgitta Amukwa. MANWU has about 3250 members and organises in several sectors including metal, construction, garage and service stations and vehicle retail. &nbsp;

MANWU Holds Its 7th Congress

Women from across the Africa Region met in May in Durban to discuss strategies for building their unions and integrating gender equity in this process. After examining the challenges faced by Africa politically and economically and analysing current problems for the labour movement, participants of the June workshop considered ways of building gender as a fundamental component of union building in the region. Issues and problems were explored in particular the reasons for poor implementation. As a result it was felt that a number of guidelines are needed to inform the strategy and that the strategy would have to bear some of the differences in the situations of unions in mind to ensure that it was possible and implementable. Funds shortages whilst important were seen as symptomatic of deeper problems that the strategy must account for. As a result, a number of principles were determined that should guide any strategy developed and implemented. Principles Scarce resources means we must allocate where the greatest impact can be achieved: it does not make sense to allocate resources where there can be little impact or because the impact will be short term and not sustainable. Gender development is  fundamentally linked to union development: gender activities and structures should not happen in isolation to the union. They must be integrated by union and gender strategies and systems relating to each other. The idea is also that as you build and service women workers you build the union. Good practice shows use of constitutional structures/resolutions is the most effective gender development strategy: where gender structures and practice are well integrated  unions have generally reached this situation by gender activists driving the agenda through constitutional meetings, by passing resolutions making issues a responsibility of leadership. Building practical union to union solidarity: if gender priorities are seen as representing a common interest throughout the region activities in a strategy must bring people together to actively support each other. One practical way is for unions to develop relationships where women from an established gender structure may share and support others still in the process of establishing such a structure. This also means building a core group of gender activists in the region that can act as a common pool of resources and experience to be drawn on from the region. Top down gender structure development does not work: different experiences of participants at the conference revealed that simply establishing a gender structure at a central point in the union seldom effectively dealt with issues. Structures should be built bottom up from the shop floor through using gender focused organising and then feed into constitutional structures to establish structures, secure financial allocations and achieve equity in representation amongst other processes. Building sustainable unions is core to gender development: It was agreed that there is no point in developing gender structures and activities where the union itself in its current form and activities is unsustainable. Sustainability relates to self funding and self reliance and the absence of donor dependence. If funding allocations exceed union subscriptions the organisation is not sustainable and therefore by definition neither are the activities. Women typically focused in precarious work: a disproportionate number of precarious jobs are occupied by women and this increases insecurity, maintains systems of social dependence and increases the burden of coping with other work in the home. Addressing gender means the impact of precarious work must be dealt with. A regional gender strategy must be located in broader regional strategies: the approach adopted by the Southern Africa sub region was used as an example to demonstrate this principal. Here the strategy is defined by a number of drivers (core, support and contextual). Two of the core drivers are for example sustainability and service to members. A gender strategy should therefore reflect these issues at its core as seen in some of the principles above. Strategic Categories Using the inputs from participant unions it was felt that four groupings or categories could be created which would allow specific strategies and activities to be developed that are most appropriate to the unions concerned and in keeping with the principles already developed. The first group was where there are a large number of potential women members that could be organized given the unions current scope but are not being reached because of organizational or structural problems. The strategy must deal with these issues in the union as a whole and support the establishment of gender equity through activities. Union to union cooperation on better organized structures and systems is of significance to this category. The second grouping was seen as where the unions have very limited scope for growth of women membership and this membership is relatively small. These unions often are characterised by a lack of sustainability. Strategies  relate to building the union towards more sustainable forms with support for activities that have the potential to draw manufacturing unions together through cooperation on issues of gender priority. The third grouping was where the unions were clearly sustainable and functioning in this way. Women membership is large and gender well integrated into the functioning of the union including budget allocations. Regional support strategies for such unions include specific skills development and assistance in the process of assisting other unions in the region. The final group was characterised by uncertainty either because of expected changes in the union or the environment they were operating in. Action based research that must itself build union capacity can be used as a starting point after which unions would move into one of the afore mentioned categories and be integrated into the regional strategy in this way. A focus for the regional strategy that should underpin work in all four categories is the development of a core group of gender activists in the region. This group would develop skills, provide mutual support and review implementation and effectivity of the regional strategy. The planning process concluded by identifying different types of approaches that could be implemented and the processes necessary for these over the next two years. In the implementation of strategies unions would need to actively cooperate and adopt the processes underpinned by the principles in the whole organisation. In this way it was felt that women could become a driving force in union development in the African region.

Working Together... Developing A Regional Gender Strategy

In May 2007, thousands of metalworkers across South Africa celebrated 20 years of struggle and achievement of NUMSA at mass rallies organized in several provinces. Founded in May 1987, Numsa leaders paid tribute to shop stewards and metalworkers from the Metal and Allied Workers Union (Mawu), as well as unions like the Motor Industries Combined Workers Union (Micwu) and the automobile unions that came together under the auspices of the International Metalworkers Federation (IMF) to form a single, united metalworkers union in the country. Past and present shop stewards and members graced the podium to recall historic moments in the union's history.  At the Johannesburg celebrations, NUMSA remembered its member, Kortman Vilakazi from Tembisa, who in that very stadium was shot dead by police at a Numsa wage negotiations rally in the 1980s. "The police came and started to provoke members outside the stadium," remembers ex-Numsa member, Alpheus Makhadi who is now a councillor. "When members ran away, the police shot at them." Vilakazi was shot dead. And just down the road from the stadium was Joko Tea hall (now a supermarket) where the first union meetings that nurtured worker control, local shop steward councils and strong shop floor structures that gave rise to Numsa, took place. While tributes poured in to honour past heroes of the union, NUMSA also celebrated 20 years of struggle and spoke of milestones in South Africa from the 1980s apartheid period to the challenges faced by the country in the new millennium and NUMSA's proactive and reactive actions in response to the political, social and economic climate and developments in the metal sector. Trade union leaders also spoke of the future and the need for a strong and vigilant union. Cosatu's general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi in his address at the celebrations in Port Elizabeth urged workers to remain united and play a leading role in all corners of society and in the fight against poverty. But the events were not all about speeches and struggle, local artists performed for the crowds keeping everyone in high spirits. The events were colourful, the crowd was dressed in NUMSA colours of black red and yellow carrying flags bearing the unions logo. Shouts of Amandla! echoed through while others blew on their vuvuzelas. Fallen heroes can rest assured that Numsa members celebrated their history that day! Constructed from reports by NUMSA reporters, Woody Aroun, Mating Mosia, Jenny Grice and Mncedisi Phaphu.

NUMSA Celebrates Its 20th Anniversary

The average Zimbabwean metalworker makes approximately 140,000 Zimbabwean Dollars per month. With inflation climbing daily, now at a world record of 1,700 per cent, workers' salaries are worth less and less each day, while the cost of basic goods continues to soar. In a country where the price of cooking oil is half a month's salary, and a bar of soap is almost a third of a worker's monthly wages, Zimbabweans must struggle more each day to survive.  Zimbabwe, once considered the "breadbasket of Africa", enjoyed a robust economy and thriving workforce in the mid-1990s. Today, the situation for Zimbabweans is dire. Chronic shortages of food, electricity, petrol and medicine has reduced the life expectancy to a tragic 34 years for women, the lowest in the world, and to just 37 years for men. Most Zimbabweans live on one meal a day, some even less. Eight out of ten workers are out of work, and the unemployment rate continues to rise. Led by Robert Mugabe, independence hero cum dictator, the country's steady decline has been punctuated by a series of bad governmental policy at best, and shocking human rights violations at worst. "Operation Murambatsvina" which is Shona for "Operation Drive Out Trash", has had undoubtedly the most devastating effect on Zimbabwe's working poor. In May 2005, Mugabe unleashed what he called an "urban renewal program" to squash illegal vendors. The result was the demolition of 94,460 urban homes which left 700,000 people homeless and affected 2.4 million people directly or in directly, according to the United Nations. Between May 2005 and May 2006, prices for accommodation jumped by 3,000 per cent. Because many of the homes destroyed were outside of industrial complexes, metalworkers were largely impacted. As in many parts of the world, the labour movement in Zimbabwe has been a leading force for change. The Zimbabwean Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), to which the National Engineering Workers' Union (NEWU) is an affiliate, has been at the forefront in addressing the workers' suffering under Zimbabwe's economic collapse. Viewed by Mugabe as enemies of the state, members of the ZCTU have been attacked with a force that has astonished the international community, including government-sanctioned beatings, torture, abductions and arbitrary arrests. Mugabe has banned political demonstrations, he has shut down the independent press, and declared war on any and all that criticize his policies. On April 3 and 4, the ZCTU organized a mass stay away after talks broke down within the Tripartite Negotiating Forum (TNF) regarding payment of salaries in accordance with inflation. The TNF is a joint negotiating body that comprises representatives from business, labour and the government, in which the ZCTU has played an active role. In the days leading up to the action, and those that followed, ZCTU offices were ransacked, staff beaten, and workers and trade union leaders were arrested.  Witnesses in the townships reported that people were forced to go to work at gunpoint, many of them had no "work" to go to. Helicopters hovered over downtown Harare and businesses were threatened with losing their operating licence, should they shut production down. The media was quick to call the worker action a failure, however, given the nature of the stay away, its success is hard to measure. Only 20 per cent of the country is formally employed. Of that number, 70 per cent work for the government. Journalists are denied access to Zimbabwe, so those who operate in the country risk arrest, or worse. In April, Edward Chikombo, a cameraman for the state-run broadcaster ZBC, was found pummelled to death in a shallow grave on the side of the road after he leaked images of a beaten Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and former mineworker and ZCTU General Secretary. NEWU general secretary, Japhat Moyo, who is also acting assistant general secretary for ZCTU, referred to the recent attacks as, "kicks of a dying horse," and explained the reasoning behind the stay away. "Last time we went to the streets we had our limbs broken," he said, referring to the strike on September 13, 2006 that resulted in the arrest and torture of 15 unionists, many so severely beaten they had to be hospitalised. "If you demonstrate in the streets, you are going to be butchered. We are not going to be sending other people's kids to the war front. We are supposed to be on the front lines ourselves," Moyo said. "The workers decided that we cannot risk our leaders, let's stay at home as a sign of demonstration. Every three months we are doing these activities, and we are not limiting ourselves to only stayaways. If the situation improves, if government upholds human rights principles, we will be able to go to the streets instead of sitting at home." Many workers believe collective action is the only way change will come. "I have to participate. To make sure that things get better for me, I have to take part in the action," said Brighton Munyaradzi, a serviceman for AFA PVT LTD and NEWU member a few days before the stay away. "If you want to have a better life you have to do something." Charles Chirowdza, a metalworker at CT Bolts and a member of NEWU doesn't flinch when asked if he is worried about being attacked by police during demonstrations "being beaten is okay," he says. "Because the situation is getting out of control. People are suffering, people are dying. We are suffering so much, " he said as he placed his hand on his stomach, "being beaten is better than this. At least we are trying to accomplish something." Three months from now, workers will again risk arrest and torture in a brave attempt to win basic worker rights and a living wage. The Response of IMF The IMF has taken a three-pronged approach to addressing the problems Zimbabwean metalworkers face. First, for the past 15 years, the IMF's Africa office has assisted Zimbabwean metal unions in building one strong national metalworkers union through the merging of smaller unions. Their growing strength has helped metalworkers weather the difficult economic climate. Second, the IMF regional office has been an outspoken critic of Mugabe's attacks on human and labour rights and has worked to encourage IMF affiliates to support change in Zimbabwe through their national centres. "We condemn the current government's terror campaign on the people of Zimbabwe, especially the gross violations of workers rights," said IMF regional representative for Africa, Steve Nhlapo. "The sub-regional meeting two years ago adopted a resolution calling on all of our affiliates in the southern Africa region to work with their respective national centres to put pressure on the Zimbabwe government to stop the brutal attack on workers and their leaders. We are also encouraging our affiliates in the region to participate in all campaigns that are organized by the national centres and NGO's which focus on changing the situation in Zimbabwe," Steve said, noting that international solidarity will only be as strong as the participation of the affiliates in that region. In South Africa and Botswana, national centres have demonstrated at the Zimbabwean border in solidarity with the ZCTU. Their criticism of Mugabe's actions have been key to private discussions taking place among the leaders of the Southern African Development Community. Third, the IMF has supported the International Trade Union Confederation's (ITUC) initiatives to block Zimbabwe's participation in key international summits and its work with the International Labour Organization to bring about change. The IMF regularly reports on developments in Zimbabwe, and is urging its affiliates to work through their national centres in supporting the work of the ZCTU. This article is an edited version, the full report appears in the latest Metal World available on the IMF website. The report is based on a visit to Zimbabwe by IMF Regional Secretary and  Metal World Reporter Kristyne Peter. Text by Kristyne Peter.

Dissent in Zimbabwe: Keeping the Hope of Change Alive

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